Don Dunstan

43

Don Dunstan : biography

21 September 1926 – 6 February 1999

With the end of Playford’s tenure, the Liberal and Country League had brought younger, more progressive members into its ranks. The Hall Government continued many of the social reforms that the Walsh/Dunstan governments had initiated; most of these at the instigation of Hall or his Attorney-General, Robin Millhouse. Abortion was partially legalised,Parkin, pp. 299–300. and planning for the Festival Centre began.Horne, pp. 205–209. The conservative and rural factions of the League, notably in the Legislative Council dominated by the landed gentry, were bitterly opposed to some reforms, and more than once Hall was forced to rely on ALP support to see bills passed. The LCL began to break apart; what had once been a united party was now factionalised—four distinct groups across the political spectrum appeared within the party.Blewett and Jaensch, pp. 193–196. The economy of South Australia began to pick up under Hall, returning to full employment.Blewett and Jaensch, p. 189. During the term in opposition, Des Corcoran became Dunstan’s deputy, and the pair worked together well despite any rift that may have been caused by the struggle to succeed Walsh.

Stott withdrew support in 1970 over the Chowilla Dam, a dispute over the location of a dam on the Murray River,Parkin, p. 6. and South Australia went to the polls. The dam controversy was not much of an election issue, and attempts by the Democratic Labor Party to portray Dunstan as a communist over his opposition to ongoing Australian support for South Vietnam had little effect. The LCL campaigned heavily on Hall, while Dunstan promised sweeping social reform, artistic transformation and more community services. He said "We’ll set a new standard of social advancement that the whole of Australia will envy. We believe South Australia can set the pace. It can happen here. We can do it."Parkin, pp. 6–7. Dunstan won the election easily, taking 27 seats compared with the LCL’s 20.Blewett and Jaensch, pp. 251–253. Although the share of the votes had been similar to 1968, the dilution of the Playmander had changed the share of the seats. As Labor had attained a majority of the popular vote for a long period, and because malapportionment had been largely ended, the political scientists Neal Blewett and Dean Jaensch said "a Dunstan decade seems assured".

Max Stuart trial

In December 1958, an event that initially had nothing to do with Playford, occurred, and eventually intensified into a debacle that was regarded as a turning point in his premiership and marked the end of his rule. Dunstan was prominent in pressuring Playford during this time.Cockburn, p. 292.

A young girl was found raped and murdered, and Max Stuart, an Aborigine, was convicted and sentenced to be executed.Inglis, pp. 29–30. Stuart’s lawyer claimed that the confession was forced, and appeals to the Supreme and High Courts were dismissed. Objections against the fairness of the trial among an increasing amount of legal academics and judges,Cockburn, pp. 293–294.Crocker, pp. 81–82. and The News brought much attention to Stuart’s plight with an aggressive, tabloid-style campaign.Cockburn, p. 297.

When Playford and the Executive Council decided not to reprieve Stuart, an appeal to the Privy Council was made to stall the execution.Cockburn, pp. 294–296. Spearheaded by Dunstan, Labor then tried to introduce legislation to stall the hanging.Cockburn, p. 299. Amid loud outcry, Playford started a Royal Commission to review the case. However, two of the commissioners had already been involved in the trial and one of the appeals.Cockburn, pp. 299–300. This provoked worldwide controversy with claims of bias from Dunstan and Labor, who also attacked Playford for what they regarded as a too-restrictive scope of inquiry.Cockburn, p. 303.

The Royal Commission began its work and the proceedings were followed closely and eagerly debated by the public. As Playford did not commute Stuart’s sentence, Dunstan introduced a bill to abolish capital punishment. The vote was split along party lines and was thus defeated, but Dunstan used the opportunity to attack the Playmander with much effect in the media, portraying the failed legislation as an unjust triumph of a malapportioned minority who had a vengeance mentality over an electorally repressed majority who wanted a humane outcome.Cockburn, pp. 302–303.